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European Nuclear Disarmament

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Covid-19 & Nuclear Dangers

May 27, 2020 by Tom Unterrainer

There is only one place to start when discussing global threats: the current Covid-19 pandemic. The scale and magnitude of the pandemic, and the way in which governments across the world have been exposed as ill-prepared and in some cases unwilling to respond quickly to preserve human life has been widely covered. The cases of the United States and United Kingdom governments stand out as particularly appalling. How does the pandemic link to the other pressing danger with which END Info concerns itself?

On Thursday 30 April, President Trump claimed the following: “We’re going to see where it [Covid-19] comes from ... We have people looking at it very, very strongly. Scientific people, intelligence people, and others. We’re going to put it all together. I think we will have a very good answer eventually. And China might even tell us.” What was Mr Trump talking about? It’s sometimes difficult to know, but not this time.

Trump claims to have seen evidence that Covid-19 originated at the Wuhan Institute of Virology, in the Chinese province where the outbreak emerged. Despite the absence of public, verifiable evidence and a great degree of caution on the part of US intelligence agencies, Trump’s claims were repeated by US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, on television news. Pompeo told ABC news that:

“There is enormous evidence that that’s where this began ... I can tell you that there’s a significant amount of evidence that this thing came from a laboratory in Wuhan.”

What’s going on here? What are Trump and Pompeo attempting to do by pointing the finger of blame at China? Part of what’s going on is that the Trump administration is making China into a scapegoat to cover for its own mishandling, and patent inability to handle, the pandemic. Every reactionary government looks for someone or something to blame other than itself. Neither Trump nor Pompeo care that their repeated attacks on China have resulted in an increase in racist assaults against Chinese people in the West.

This is because they are pursuing a deliberately racist policy. But scapegoating China for the Pandemic is only part of the story. In mid-April, as the Pandemic was in full development, the US State Department claimed that China ‘may have’ secretly conducted a low-yield underground nuclear test. No conclusive proof was offered for this claim, only satellite photographs that suggested some earthworks at a dormant test site.

In response, China has robustly rejected the claims and has warned of the dangers associated with making them. Both the US and China signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in 1996, but neither of them have ratified it. As such, the US and China are not bound by Treaty on this question. However, China’s policy is committed to adhering to the CTBT and the US has been observing a moratorium on testing. Despite neither nuclear armed state being a signatory, there is a mass of international pressure to adhere to the provisions.

There would undoubtedly be a major public outcry if any of the ‘core’ nuclear armed states conducted a nuclear test. If we quickly examine the Trump administrations attitude to other international nuclear treaties and agreements, we will see a clear direction of travel. He sabotaged the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty (NPT), withdrew from the Iran Deal and looks likely to scupper attempts to renew New START, which limits numbers of nuclear warheads.

END Info and others have argued that Trump has engaged in a systematic sabotage of such treaties and agreements: a ‘Bonfire of Treaties’. Why, then, is the US behaving in this way? For much of the 1990s and 2000s, the US was the predominant global power. The repeated wars and military interventions carried out by the US alone, under the auspices of NATO or with a ‘coalition of the willing’ were designed to secure US economic and political power on a world scale. There was ‘one pole’ of global power in the world and, unchecked, it ran amok. The situation is no longer the same. The world has moved from a unipolar to a multipolar order. The failure of US strategy in Iraq and the wider Middle-East, combined with the economic shocks of 2008, stripped the US of its sole superpower status but its military strength remains considerably greater than other states.

Substantial economic growth in China meant that it was able to assist to avert the worst consequences of the 2008 crash and has built economic, diplomatic and developmental relationships across the world. The US is aggressively asserting itself in an attempt to preserve influence and to ‘remake’ what it can of the old order. This is a very dangerous strategy. It is especially dangerous given the complex mix of technological development, global economic shifts and international political developments.

The US has forged a ‘global tinderbox’ where one mistake, one misapprehension, one error, could engulf the world in violence. This is why Trump’s claims about China and the Pandemic are not only deeply racist, but incredibly dangerous. Is the US preparing to use its false claims about China testing nuclear warheads as a pretext for staging tests of its own? Will Trump’s ever-hardening line against China simply accelerate the destruction of Treaties and agreements? It seems likely. How will Trump’s anti-China stance play out in NATO member states, like the UK for example, which are seeking to sign trade deals and other such agreements? It seems likely that Trump will seek to pull them closer to the US than is already the case.

Whilst Trump and company threaten China, the peace movements must resist the threats and seek to learn as much as we can about that country.

May 27, 2020 /Tom Unterrainer
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Germany: ‘Time for U.S. Nukes to go’

May 27, 2020 by Tom Unterrainer

The leader of the German Social Democrats (SPD) in the Bundestag, Rolf Mützenich, has called for US nuclear weapons to be removed from the country. He told the Tagesspiegel newspaper (03/05/20) that: “Nuclear weapons on German territory do not heighten our security, just the opposite ... The time has come for Germany to rule out a future stationing.”

Although the call is not shared universally within the SPD, co-leader Saskia Esken backed Mützenich, saying: “Whoever thinks that glasnost and perestroika were made possible by the West’s nuclear deterrent missed something ... Atomic weaponry on German soil, on German airplanes, is neither an end to itself nor desirable”.

The politics of these calls is inseparable from the fact that Chancellor Angela Merkel only remains in power thanks to a coalition with the SPD; that Merkel was widely considered to be a spent force prior to the outbreak of Covid-19 and will not run again and that in such circumstances, politicians with an eye to the future are willing to make a stand on certain issues. But it would be a mistake to simply dismiss these calls as political manoeuvering. Much more is going on here, not least the reality that the presence of US nuclear weapons on German territory has been an important and long-running issue for both German and European politics.

Germany has been under the US’s ‘nuclear umbrella’ since the 1950s and the debate about whether or not such an arrangement ensured greater security or constituted a security risk has been a live one. In the 1980s, when nuclear tensions were particularly high, US plans to station intermediate-range nuclear missiles on German territory sparked an enormous movement of opposition both within Germany and across Europe.

The European Nuclear Disarmament (END) campaign of the time was a vital instrument for building and coordinating the opposition. END called not only for US nuclear weapons to be removed from Germany but for a European Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zone (NWFZ) to be created.

The force of this argument is once again obvious if we consider what is likely to happen if a future German government does tell the US that it’s time for their nuclear weapons to go. Such a move seems unfeasible for as long as Merkel and her supporters maintain power in Germany, but a future government containing the SPD, Greens and the Left Party would almost certainly demand the removal of US weapons. In such a situation, it is likely that the US will move its weapons to another, more amenable, NATO member state. The most obvious candidate for an alternative host is Poland, though others may well welcome the opportunity. Such a move, closer to Russia, would only heighten nuclear tensions further and must be energetically opposed. A NWFZ seems like the obvious response.

It is worth noting, then, that Mützenich did not alight on this solution when railing against US nuclear weapons. It’s all the more worthy of note because his comment that “Nuclear weapons on German territory do not heighten our security, just the opposite” could be a direct quote from the arguments laid out in Common Security - an idea championed by Swedish Social Democrat Olof Palme and supported by Willy Brandt, a giant of SPD history. NWFZ’s play a central role in their conception of how to ensure a system of Common Security and common peace between the nations of Europe.

According to Matthew Karnitschnig, writing on the Politico website, “The timing of Mützenich’s intervention was no accident. Germany is in the process of phasing out its aging fleet of Tornado fighter jets, the planes it relies on to fulfill its nuclear sharing obligations with the U.S. Under the deal, Germany has agreed to deliver warheads supplied by the U.S. in the event of a nuclear war. The pact has been a pillar of NATO’s nuclear deterrence strategy for decades ... What appears to have triggered Mützenich’s demand was an announcement two weeks ago by German Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer that she supports purchasing U.S.-made F-18 aircraft to replace the Tornados in order to ensure that Germany could continue to meet its alliance obligations.” (Politico, 03/05/20)

Is Mützenich calling for a break with NATO? This seems to be the logical end-point for his comments and their timing. Such a call would be very welcome indeed. Is there concern about Germany’s agreement with nuclear armed France (the Treaty of Aachen, see END Info 9) which commits them to mutual defence “by all means”? Such concern and a call for the repudiation of the Treaty of Aachen would be very welcome indeed.

These questions are important because if the call for US nuclear weapons to be removed from Germany boils down to expressing distrust that Trump will actually ‘come to Germany’s defence’ rather than a sincere call for a security arrangement in Germany and Europe that promotes peace, then the outcome will be no less dangerous in the longer term.

This is why it’s essential that European peace movements take this opportunity to promote and discuss the idea of a European Nuclear-Weapons-Free zone and why it’s important that we take politicians, trade unionists and the widest possible coalition of forces with us as we forge real security, Common Security.

May 27, 2020 /Tom Unterrainer

END Papers

May 27, 2020 by Tom Unterrainer
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Download END Papers - long-form articles and essays - in easily printable, A5 pamphlet, format. Download HERE.

END Papers 1: Global Tinderbox - Time for Europe’s Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zone? by Tom Unterrainer DOWNLOAD

END Papers 2: After the INF Treaty - What Next? by Joachim Wernicke DOWNLOAD

END Papers 3: The Case Against Trident by Commander Robert Forsyth DOWNLOAD

May 27, 2020 /Tom Unterrainer
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European Nuclear Disarmament: A New Statement

May 27, 2020 by Tom Unterrainer

The Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation launched the following statement in late 2018. Add your name to the statement here.

President Trump’s threat that the United States will withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty undermines peace and security in Europe, as the European Union has quickly made clear.

The INF Treaty, signed by Presidents Gorbachev and Reagan in 1987, bans all ground-based missiles – nuclear and conventional – with ranges between 500 and 5500km. It addresses the risk of ‘limited' nuclear war, which sparked a Europe-wide movement of opposition and in favour of a nuclear weapons free zone in Europe, as expressed in the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) Appeal of 1980.

The END Appeal specifically sought the removal of medium range mobile nuclear weapons, deployed on Soviet territory and by the United States at bases in six European NATO member countries, in order to save the continent from becoming a nuclear battleground. It warned ‘we are entering the most dangerous decade in human history'. Appallingly, danger intensifies again. In January, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists moved forward the hands of the ‘Doomsday Clock’ to two minutes to midnight. As the year draws to a close, President Trump’s announcement drives the world nearer to the nuclear precipice.

We call on everyone concerned with peace and security to join in raising the alarm over the likely consequences of scrapping the INF Treaty and to work towards the creation of more Nuclear-Weapons-Free-Zones, including in Europe. These efforts will complement existing global disarmament initiatives, including the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, recently agreed at the United Nations.

Initial signatories:
Noam Chomsky, USA
Commander Robert Green RN (ret'd), New Zealand
Commander Robert Forsyth RN (ret'd), UK

Members of Parliament:
Ronnie Cowan MP, Scotland
Caroline Lucas MP, UK
Chris Williamson MP, UK
Sadet Karabulut MP, Netherlands

Members of the European Parliament:
Catherine Rowett MEP, UK
Julie Ward MEP, UK
Michèle Rivasi MEP, France
Jill Evans MEP, Wales
Sabine Lösing MEP, Germany (retired)
Stelios Kouloglou MEP, Greece
Kateřina Konečná MEP, Czech Republic
Lynn Boylan MEP, Ireland
Marie-Pierre Vieu MEP, France
Helmut Scholz MEP, Germany
Merja Kyllönen MEP, Finland
Nikolaos Chountis MEP, Greece
Marie-Chrisitne Vergiat MEP, France
Dennies de Jong MEP, Netherlands
Martina Michels MEP, Germany
Anne-Marie Mineur MEP, Netherlands

Trade Unionists:
Mark Serwotka, General Secretary, PCS Union, UK
Kevin Courtney, Joint General Secretary, National Education Union, UK
Louise Regan, Ex-President National Union of Teachers, UK

Peace movement/campaigners:
Kate Hudson, General Secretary, CND, UK
Reiner Braun, International Peace Bureau, Germany
Ken Fleet, Secretary Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation and Secretary of the original END Liaison Committee, UK
Paul Parker, Quakers in Britain, UK
Stuart Holland, Professor of Economics and Editor of the original END Bulletin, Portugal
Kristine Karch, Co-Chair International Network No to war - no to NATO, Germany
Dave Webb, Chair, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, UK
Joseph Gerson, Campaign for Peace Disarmament and Common Security, USA
Ray Perkins Jr., Professor of Philosophy, emeritus, Plymouth State University and vice chairman of the Bertrand Russell Society board of directors, USA
Steven Rose, Emeritus Professor of Neuroscience, Open University, UK
Tony Simpson, Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, UK
Tamara Tura Coates, Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, UK
Tom Unterrainer, Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, UK
Lucas Wirl, Executive Director International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms, Germany
Peter Kennard, Professor of Political Art, Royal College of Art, UK
Rae Street, Greater Manchester & District CND, UK
Jérôme Peraya, Agir pour la Paix, Belgium
Gerd Berlev, It's time for peace - action against war, Denmark
Jeff Hoffman, Tavolo per la Pace della Val di Cecina, Italy
John Hallam, People for Nuclear Disarmament, Australia
Brian Jones, CND Cymru, Wales
Philip Austin, Coordinator, Northern Friends Peace Board, UK
Bianca Todd, Granddaughter of Ron Todd and Founder of the Ron Todd Foundation, UK
Peter Murphy, Secretary, Sydney Peace & Justice Coalition, Australia
Panos Trigazis, President of the Observatory of International Organisations and Globalisation, Greece
Maria Arvaniti-Sotiropoulou, President of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (Greek Section) and Representative in Greece of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), Greece
Kees Kalkman, Anti-Militaristies OnderzoeksKollektief - VD Amok, Netherlands
Takao Takahara, Peace Depot, Japan
Andreas Bieler, Professor of Political Economy, University of Nottingham, UK
Dr Tim Street, academic and peace activist, UK
Susie Ventris-Field, Welsh Centre for International Affairs, Wales
Manuel Pardo, Frente Antiimperialista Internacionalista, Spain
Ria Verjauw, Belgian Coalition 'stop uranium wapens', Belgium
Yuko Matsubara, Sayonara Nukes Belgium/representative, Belgium
Maria Van Doren, Peace Movement, Women in Black, ICM, Belgium
Tine Seaux, Leuvense Vredesbewegingen, Belgium
Gérard Lévy, Europe Écologie Les Verts (commission paix et désarmement), France
Daniel Durand, Director of the Institute of Documentation and Research for Peace, France
Michel Thouzeu, Mouvement de la Paix secretariat national, France
Patrice Salzenstein, National Bureau Member, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Régine Minetti, National Bureau Member, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Jean-Marie Borgraeve, Union Pacifiste, France
Groupe Non-Violent Louis Lecoin, France
Jacques Veron-Bocquel, Ligue des Droits de l'Homme, Caen, France
Dominique Lalanne, Abolition des Armes Nucleaires, France
Annie & Joel Frison, Mouvement de la Paix, comité de Bourges et du Cher, France
Élise Bourdier, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Bernard Revollon, Mouvement de la Paix Bas-Rhin, France
Lisa Silvestre, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Dominique Duneau, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Jean-claude Bourguignon, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Gilles Auger, Mouvement de la Paix, Bourges, France
Anne-Marie Clausse, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Jean Arlette, Conseill déléguée Isère, France
Albert Martinand, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Hubert Jaussaud, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Marie-Madeleine Rajau, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Jeannine Orset, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Pierre Orset , Mouvement de la Paix, France
Jean Paul Menou, Mouvement de la Paix du Nord Finistère, France
Daniel Claeysen, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Denise Tardy, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Edith Boulander, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Yves Derriennic, Mouvement de la Paix, France
J M Paoli, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Pierre-Olivier Poyard, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Dany Limousin, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Stuart Hartill, Co-ordinator of Shee Nish! (Peace Now!), Isle of Man
Enrique Santiago, General Secretary, Communist Party of Spain
Manu Pineda, Head of International Relations, Communist Party of Spain
Benjamin Regonesi, Communist Party of France, France
Jan Hellebaut, Aktie Vredesbelasting, Belgium
Pierre Flament, Mouvement de la Paix, France
Bram Vranken, Vredesactie, Belgium
Anna Lucia Rocca, Italy
Willy Meyer, Asociacion Marcos Ana, Spain
Bruce Kent, CND Vice Predisent, UK
Myrsini Athanassiadou, Popular Unity, Greece
Mark Ingram, Treasurer British Pugwash Trust, UK
TJ Milburn, Chair, Exeter CND, UK
Rev Christopher Harrison, St Peter's and All Saints, Nottingham, UK
E. Martin Schotz, MD, Coordinator, Peace Task Force, Franklin County Continuing the Political Revolution, USA
Andre Sheldon, Director, Global Strategy of Nonviolence, USA
Mikael Böök, Finland
Barbara Laxon, USA
Douglas Renick, USA
Wolf Goehring, Scientist, Germany
Alain Limousin, France
Daniel Salhorgne, France
Pierre Flament, France
Elisabeth Grand, France
Raphael Porteilla, France
Daniel Deprez, France
Marie-France Coullet, France
Ulla Grant, CND Member, UK
Ian Hewitt, Unite the Union (personal capacity), UK
Margie Doyle Papadopoulou, Greece
Colin Clarke, UK
Joan Edenburg, Netherlands
Till Geiger, UK
David Browning, UK
Brian Winters, fastforpeace.org, USA
Alfie Newman, UK
Safar Yusuf, UK
Debra Urbacz, UK
Paul Russell, UK
Cari Spokes, UK
Adrian Rupp, UK
Patrick Hublou, UK
Laurence Chisholm, UK
David Fitzpatrick, Green Party, UK
Pat Sanchez, Secretary, Rochdale and Littleborough Peace Group, UK
Mark Hollinrake, Green Party, UK
Simon Koreshoff, UK
Christine Bousfield, UK
Marta Bascuñana, Spain

May 27, 2020 /Tom Unterrainer

END Info

May 27, 2020 by Tom Unterrainer

Issues 1-14 of END Info along with END Papers can be accessed here

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May 27, 2020 /Tom Unterrainer
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